The Democratic Peace Theory Politics Essay

The Democratic Peace Theory Politics Essay War, conflict, warmongering, and power balance are just a few concepts involved within a nations history. Along with many other concepts, War understood as an intentional armed conflict between communities in order to achieve political goals, has supported the public policy of many nations. In 1832 the Prussian military strategist Carl von Clausewitz (1832, p.5) defined War as an act of violence to compel our opponent to fulfill our will, demonstrating how fundamental War was for nations that time. Although there are many arguments to support the nations warmongering policies during the past decades there has been a discussion on how those policies might be necessary if some theorists have proven that Democracies dont fight Democracies (Rummel, 1999). This essay will examine the existing arguments on why democracies do not fight each other using The Democratic Peace Theory and will give conclusions on how effective could be this theory during the present days, where the concept of War has changed. The Democratic Peace Theory [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] Ultimately, the best strategy to ensure our security and to build a durable peace is to support the advance of democracy elsewhere. Democracies dont attack each other, they make better trading partners and partners in diplomacy. William J. Clinton (January 1994) The Democratic Peace Theory also called Mutual Democratic Pacifism gives a possible explanation on why democracies do not to war with each other. Among others writers, the German philosopher Immanuel Kant outlined a first relevant idea in his essay Perpetual Peace (1795). Kants theory is based on a world with countries sharing a common a constitutional republic as political regime, where people would appeal for a continuous or perpetual peace as an ideal for living. The premise of Kants idea is that people will not decide to go on war unless to defend themselves and because of this there would be no aggressor nations and the war occurrences would end. For Kant, the reluctance of the people to support war and its related costs restrains democratic leaders from engaging conflicts with other nations. After Kant, this strain of thought, where democracies are reluctant to use violent means against other democracies or other forms of governments, was continued across the centuries. The Kantian Idea of a pacific union fostered by shared or common values, cosmopolitan rights and the right of nations based on a federation of free states, had a support after the First World War, when idea of the right of nations to self-determination inspired the creation of the League of Nations. Important academics like Small and Singer (1976), Rummel (1979), Doyle (1986), Bueno de Mezquita and Lalman (1986), Geva, DeRouren and Mintz (1993), Rummel (1997), Starr (1997) and Danilovic and Clare (2007) have contributed with their work to support this theory. Due to the multiple understandings of the basic elements of the Democratic Peace Theory is important to define the concepts of democracy and war. Rummel (1999, p.10) provides an interesting definition of democracy as democracies in its 20th century form means: regular elections for the most powerful government positions, competitive political parties, near universal franchise, secret balloting and civil liberties and political rights, in addition pre-20th democracies should be identified by periodic, competitive elections, that the powerful can be so kicked out of power, and that a body of citizens hold equal rights regardless of class or status. However, Rummel does not take in account the transparency as an important element for a democracy. Transparency, understood as the open possibility of observation and discussion of a Government decisions and policies is a requisite for a modern democracy and reduces the possibilities of the governments to abuse. Regarding to The concept of War, Most and Starr (1989) as cited in Starr (1997, p.154) defines war as a sustained violent conflict fought by organized armed forces which are directed by a governmental authority. Although this definition is comprehensive it is necessary to be actualized due to the changing components of modern war. Forsyth (2004, p.17) define war as an act of force by a nation-state, crime organization, terror group, drug cartel, revolutionary group, or coalition of states to compel an enemy to do ones will, accept a specific ideology, or prevent or allow unfettered criminal activity. The causes of war might include failures of diplomacy, communications, economic policies, or inadequate internal security. Wars should result in improved security for an affected nations citizens, but often result in degraded or deteriorated social conditions. Although the Democratic Peace Theory is quite controversial and has both weakness and strengths, its relative simplicity has challenged the predominant realist and neorealist theories of International Relations (IR) that have predominated in the international arena for several centuries. During the past decades, research undertaken in California (Bueno de Mesquita and Lalman, 1986), Texas (Geva, DeRouren and Mintz, 1993), (Geva and Mintz, 1993), Hawaii (Rummel, 1997) and Illinois (Danilovic and Clare, 2007) confirmed in some extent the veracity of the Democratic Peace Theory. These studies showed that statistically the probability of a war between two democratic states is very low and that the democratic leaders are less interested in using military force or violent actions against other democracies. The theory by itself and the results of these studies are deeply debated, but it is possible to derive some basic conclusions. First, the republican liberalism, as a theory of International Relations (IR) that supports the Democratic Peace Theory, might question the applicability of the realist theory of IR, which argues that the balance of power and common strategic goals are the main point of explanation for the stable and peaceful relations between democratic nations. The presented researches and arguments suggest that democratic sates are continuously motivated by the necessity of a peaceful coexistence with its neighbors using the same regulations that characterize their domestic policy. These nations expect that other democracies will solve misunderstandings using consideration and a nonviolent scheme, and that their leaders will continuously foster collaborative and peaceful relations with each other. A good example of this reasoning is the speech of United States President, G orge W. Bush, who in 1994 said And the reason why Im so strong on democracy is democracies dont go to war with each other. And the reason why the people of most societies is dont like war, and they understand what war means. Second, the Democratic Peace Theory might challenge the usefulness of other political ideas, different from democracy, in todays world. This thesis is supported by Rummel (1989, p.10) when states that Democracy is a general cure for political or collective violence of any kind it is a method of nonviolence. Since a significant number of academic works identify democracies as political system less susceptible to create and promote violent means of foreign policy, with a relatively unrestricted amount of civil rights and participation, it is possible to identify democracy as a more desirable political system when compared with totalitarian, fascist or communist regimes. Finally, political process such as transparency, cooperation, democratization, and integration could improve the relations among nations. Starr (1997, p.155) highlights the importance of these elements when suggest that the theories of integration stress the role of learning in the development of norms of cooperation and a sense of community, they stress the need for mutual benefits and the positive impact of the interdependence on the management of interdependent relations. However, it is important to point out the fact that unstable democracies or nations within a democratization process are not completely peaceful, and that might occur when the political institutions are not strong enough to support the system or when the country leading sectors are intimidated by the transition process. Two classic and different streams of thought, one structural and one normative, explain the Democratic Peace Theory. On the one hand, the structural variant maintain that the organizations or institutions are restricted to go on war due to the diverse economical, social and political costs for the government and the population, making war an undesirable option for the resolution of misunderstandings between nations. In addition, the importance of individual freedoms and free elections, maximize the leaders political responsibilities inasmuch as they might replaced if fail to maintain an adequate foreign policy. This view has been supported in the work of Geva, DeRouren and Mintz (1993, p.224) when concluding: the major reason why the use of force against other democracies is counterproductive from a political standpoint is because it is perceived by the public as a failure of foreign policy. Democratic institutions such as transparency, political pluralism, and legal rights, among ot hers, make it difficult for governments and its leaders to create false reasons to convince their population to declare war to other state. Transparency is an important factor when thinking about democratic dyads because it means that both states can look trough each other and know, or infer, their intentions. Starr (1997, p.157) states, such transparency means that each party has too much information about the other to create convincing enemy images, for either elite or masses. On the other hand, a normative variant, sometimes called cultural explanation, maintains that common liberal and democratic values explain the stability and peaceful relations between democratic states. According to this variant, the existent culture regarding to democratic political values and conflict resolution means, support truthful ties between states and its leaders. In addition, these leaders expect that their counterparts will also understand the necessity of solving the differences without violent methods. In this extent is very important to emphasize how the democratic perception of a certain state made by other, could modify the motivation for warmongering policies. Supporting this, Elman (1997) argues that political ideology, therefore, determines how democracies distinguish allies from adversaries: democracies that represent and act in their citizens interests are treated with respect and consideration, whereas non-democracies that use violence and oppression against th eir own people are regarded with mistrust and suspicion. Another explanation in addition to the structural and normative explanation of the Democratic Peace Theory is the Power Transition Theory formulated in 1958 by A.F.K. Organski. This theory presents the international politics arena as a hierarchy with 4 levels of power between the states (a dominant state, great powers, middle powers and small powers), analyzing the cyclic occurrence of wars and the effect of transition power in the occurrence of conflicts. Organski (1980, p.19) states that An even distribution of political, economic, and military capabilities between contending groups of nations is likely to increase the probability of war; peace is preserved best when there is an imbalance of national capabilities between disadvantaged and advantaged nations; the aggressor will come from a small group of dissatisfied strong countries; and it is the weaker, rather than the stronger; power that is most likely to be the aggressor. This work suggests, therefore, that democracies are sat isfied states that share strong economic goals and are less likely to fight about territory, in other words, peaceful means of discussion will prevail but not violent ones. Even though the Democratic Peace Theory provides a plausible explanation for the non-violent behavior between democratic states, a great amount of criticism exist among the academy. This criticism could be divided in two variants, first, one related to the methodology used to undertake the researches and analyze the empirical data. Several academics argue that there is always some degree of subjectivity regarding to the studies performed and the results are, in some extent, affected by this prejudices.

Admission Essay for the University of Alaska Anchorage

I am of the firm belief that a person without a defining vision for oneself is only as good as that someone living without a sense of direction and meaning in one’s life. This is because I find it needless to contend that personal vision is an essential ingredient to live a sensible life.Vision, if I may argue, is the eternal fount from where all our actions flow, if not from where all our motives take cue. For that reason, I am inclined to think that, only when a person is able to appreciate a complete picture of who he or she is, not the least an idea of what one wants to become in his or her life, can that someone truly come to understand the essence of living a meaningful life.In ways more than one, I am applying at the University of Alaska Anchorage moved by the controlling motive to pursue a vision which I have long believed to be a noble vocation which my heart truly beats for – i.e., to become a successful pilot for the commercial industry, by capitalizing on th e learning that I can gain from a Bachelor’s Degree in International Studies.And believe that I can become successful in my chosen field if I am able to pour a fair amount of effort in setting my academic and professional goals right at the onset.Of paramount importance to my vision is to finish a Bachelor’s Degree in International Studies. Since the nature of my prospective profession entails immersing myself into the vastly diverse cultures of the world, I believe that a Degree in International Studies is, essentially, of no little importance to my personal and professional journey.At the very least, a degree in International Studies can surely help me appreciate the many different facets of human dynamics, projected, as it were, onto the larger sphere on international arena.And by allowing me to obtain a Degree in International Studies, I believe that the University can become instrumental in helping me appreciate my profession not only as a career, but also  œ nay, even more so – an avenue for greater appreciation of, and respect for world cultures.Secondly, I have reasons to think that my past experiences have been largely contributory to my decision to take up International Studies. Having been raised into a Bush Alaskan environment, where diversity – more than anything else – thrived, in addition to having been given a rare opportunity to briefly pursue scholastic training in Australia, as well having been into not a few States and world countries during my childhood and early adulthood years, I believe that I have a lot of experiences that need dutiful interpretation under the lenses of academic sciences.This is where, I can only surmise, the University steps in. For one, I am more than certain that the University can help me – through the courses slated in its International Studies Degree – to put into wise perspectives the lessons that I have already gained from my otherwise rich life experiences .

David Humes Thoughts On Empiricism Essay

One of the most notable figures in the history of western philosophy was Scottish philosopher David Hume. Hume was widely known for his views on Empiricism. Empiricism has been pondered since the beginnings of philosophy by many famous figures, from Aristotle to John Locke. (Wikipedia) Empiricism claims that human knowledge is founded on observation and use of the five senses. Hume published a literary work titled Enquiry concerning Human Understanding. This had a profound impact on empiricist philosophy. (Heter) In section 2 of the Enquiry concerning Human Understanding, titled Of the Origin of Ideas, Hume makes distinctions about impressions and ideas. Simply stating how a memory obtained from the central nervous system can never reach the level of raw, vividness that the original impression had made. An example of this concept can be something along the lines of experiencing free fall. We have all experienced free fall at some point in our lives. Simply recalling that moment can never fully allow us to grasp the gut wrenching excitement of pure gravity. An interesting thought brought forward in section 2 is The Copy Principle. Hume states â€Å"But though our thought seems to possess this unbounded liberty, we shall find, upon a nearer examination, that it is really confined within very narrow limits, and that all this creative power of the mind amounts to no more than the faculty of compounding, transposing, augmenting, or diminishing the materials afforded us by the senses and real life experience†¦Ã¢â‚¬ (Enquiry, Section II) In layman’s terms, imagination of the human mind might be perceived as limitless. However, in  reality, it is really a combination of sensory information and real life experiences. To this end, Hume believes that there are no truly original ideas. Everything we can conceive is a â€Å"copy† or modification of material afforded to us by our surroundings. Examples of this can be found all around us. Such as the design of a plane matching the shape of a bird or Velcro behaving as burdock burrs. (Bloomberg) An interesting point Hume brings to our attention is the Blind Man Argument. Hume claims that a person born blind has no notions of what color is. If you grant that individual the ability to see, you present him with a new channel for ideas. Without this inlet, he would have no idea what color is. Therefore, color must come from the senses. (Enquiry, Section II) One might object to Hume’s copy principle by stating that original ideas are created quite frequently. A perfect example of this is the telephone. There was no object in the known universe that was able to transmit encoded sound waves through electrical wire over vast distances to a receiver before the telephone. This invention came into existence through pure innovation. The blind man argument presents an error. Just because a blind man cannot make an association between the word red and the color red doesn’t mean that they have never seen it before. Perhaps the man has seen the color red countless times in his dreams. However, without having another individual identify the same color and help him form the association between the word and the color, the blind man will never know what â€Å"red† means. Countering my objection to The Copy Principle, all the natural resources we are afforded on earth  can be combined, transformed or restructured to create something else. Basically, everything we have created can be broken down to the raw materials found within our environment. This makes it impossible to create something truly new. The telephone is simply a combination of oil, copper, aluminum, silicone, ect. In defense of The Blind Man Argument, people born without the ability to see, claim they see â€Å"nothing†. They might understand how the color spectrum works but they will never be able to sense what the actual color looks like. For one to know the answer to this debate, he or she have the ability to see and be blind at the same time. Hume certainly brings up some interesting concepts. For this reason, scholars have been studying his ideas for centuries. Empiricism and rationalism are in constant disagreement. Both philosophical notions are extremely hard to disprove. Works Cited Hennighausen, Amelia, and Eric Roston. â€Å"14 Smart Inventions Inspired by Nature: Biomimicry: Nature as R&D Lab. † Bloomberg. com. Bloomberg, 19 Aug. 2013. Web. 20 Sept. 2013. Heter, T. Storm. â€Å"Empiricism. † First Philosophy: A Handbook for Beginning Philosophers. N. p. : n. p. , n. d. 15-21. Print. Hume, David. â€Å"Section II: Of the Origin of Ideas. † An Enquiry concerning Human Understanding. N. p. : n. p. , 1784. N. pag. Print. Wikipedia contributors. â€Å"David Hume. † Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, 30 Aug. 2013. Web. 21 Sep. 2013. Wikipedia contributors. â€Å"Empiricism. † Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, 15 Sep. 2013. Web. 21 Sep. 2013.

Compare/Contrast Writers - 1706 Words

There are various things that make up a piece of literature. For example: choice of diction, modes of discourse, and figurative language. Mary Rowlandson and Olaudah Equiano were great examples of authors that used these elements of literature. There are similarities and differences in A Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson and From Africa to America. Though Mary Rowlandson and Olaudah Equiano shared similarities in experiences, they had different writing personalities, purposes, attitudes, tones, and relations with their communities. There are four main modes of discourse: expository, narrative, descriptive, and persuasive. In Mary Rowlandson’s A Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary†¦show more content†¦It is apparent that Mary Rowlandson is more extrovert than Olaudah Equiano. Rowlandson communicated with the people she was surrounded by. Olaudah Equiano showed that he was more introvert than Mary Rowlandson because h e did not attempt to have any sort of conversation with another being. He only spoke of what he saw going on in the lives of the people around him in his story, and there was no dialogue. Mary Rowlandson’s personality was more apparent than Olaudah Equiano’s because she showed that she was a caring woman. She did not want to leave her child behind, even though it was already dead. Mary was also caring and loving because she took the time to go through bible scriptures and Psalms with another woman to give her the hope and guidance she needed from their Lord. Following the Lord was one of Mary’s main purposes in life. Mary Rowlandson used the rhetoric device appeal to authority in her literature. She spoke of God as if He were somehow relevant to every aspect of her life, whereas Equiano mainly used appeal to emotion in his work. 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